The officials of Nabu's temple Ezida ran its daily affairs, ensuring a regular supply of offerings and gifts. The "mayor" TT of Ezida oversaw the annual akītu TT ritual TT between god and king.
Our evidence for temple affairs comes from three different sets of documents:
Together they allow us to paint a partial portrait of the men (and it was almost exclusively men) who staffed Ezida in the 7th century BC.
Image 1. The hazannu Nadinu writes to request an audience with king Esarhaddon (SAA 13: 080). British Museum 1883-01-18, 43. View large image on British Museum website. © The Trustees of the British Museum.
The hazannu (literally "mayor") served as a link between temple and court, ensuring that nothing of consequence escaped the king's scrutiny. We know the name of only one of these officials:
A hazannu of Kalhu also witnesses two votive donations to Ezida in the late 7th century (SAA 12: 96-97). His name is not preserved.
The qēpu official served a similar function, it seems. At least in the late 7th century, a single qēpu was the royal delegate to the temples of Nabu and Ninurta together (SAA 12: 96).
The chief priest, or šangû was, as the name suggests, the head of the cultic staff of the temple. We know the names of several men who held this post in the 7th century BC. Others also write to the king about ritual matters in the temple, suggesting that they too had priestly appointments of some sort, even if we don't know what they were. Most of the time, the letter-writers just tell the king that "I", "we" or "they" will perform particular ritual actions.
The large collection of learned writings in the room opposite Nabu's shrine already suggests that scholars TT , especially āšipu-healers, were associated with the Ezida temple. But no explicit link is made in the texts themselves. However, we know that Nabu's temple in Dur-Šarruken PGP was staffed with an āšipu, who was given regular provisions (SAA 1: 129).
The letters of the royal scholars associated with the Kalhu Ezida suggest that they spent at least some of their time away in Nineveh. However, the priest Nergal-šarrani PGP reassures king Esarhaddon that the senior āšipu Adad-šumu-uṣur will be treating an outbreak of fungus in the temple (SAA 13: 71). Coincidentally or not, one of the scholarly tablets TT found in the Ezida is precisely a series of omens on the portentous significance of fungi (CTN 4: 36).
We have much clearer evidence for the activities of kalû-lamenters in Kalhu. Some time in the 8th century, a galamahhû ("chief lamenter") (whose name is now missing) dedicated a grey stone offering bowl to the temple (Image 2). Carved on its surface is a depiction of a ritual perfomer, presumably the galamahhû himself, in a tall conical hat.
During the reign of Esarhaddon, the kalû Pulu PGP writes to the king whenever he finds malformed kidneys in sacrificial sheep, fearing they may portend ill (SAA 13: 131, 133). However, as far as bārû-diviners were concerned, kidneys had no ominous significance.
On that evidence alone, it would appear that Pulu was highly conscientious. However, a colleague or rival — whose name is frustratingly missing — denounces Pulu to the king (SAA 13: 134, Image 3). Not only has he been remodelling the fixtures and fittings in Ezida but he has updated lots of the rituals too and appointed new staff. At the end of the letter, though, there is a hint that this report comes from the son of the man Pulu has replaced — and that this is all part of a smear campaign to oust Pulu in the letter-writer's favour.
The temple also had at least one scholar who knew how to calculate calendars. Urad-Nabu PGP —perhaps the same man mentioned above—reports to the king of a visit from noblemen of the cities of Babylon and Borsippa who have come to ask for advice on working out when to add an extra lunar month to the year (SAA 13: 60). This was necessary in order to keep the lunar calendar of twelve 29 or 30-day months aligned with the 365-day solar year so that rituals could be performed at the correct time.
The domestic staff of the temple were probably not cuneiform TT literate, and certainly did not have the status or presumption to write to the king. Therefore we know about them through the letters of more senior personnel and, especially in later times, from witness lists on temple legal documents.
Pulu's denouncer is particularly helpful in this regard (SAA 13: 134). He mentions "a woman who carries out the lighting ceremony for the goddess Tašmetu", an "eye-opener" (who presumably looked after the divine statues) and a goldsmith, as well as an āšipu-healer (Image 3).
The following men with temple-related job titles appear amongst the witnesses of loans and other legal documents drawn up in the late 7th-century Ezida (4); (SAA 12: 92, 95, 96):
Image 4. Record of the donation of a slave named Dur-maki-Issar to the god Ninurta's temple in Kalhu (SAA 12: 92). British Museum K.382. View large image on British Museum website. © The Trustees of the British Museum.
Finally, we must not forget the men, women and children who were given to Nabu's temple by legal deed (Image 4). Such donations could be a generous act of piety and loyalty — for instance the gift of two slaves (Lul[...] PGP and Palhu-ušezib PGP ) and a large tract of land "for the preservation of the life of Sin-šarru-iškun PGP , king of Assyria, his lord, and the preservation of the life of his queen" (SAA 12: 96).
At the other end of the socio-economic scale it could also be a sign of economic desperation. One man gives his (dead or destitute?) sister's sons, Urad-Ištar PGP and Nabu-hamatua PGP ; these were mouths that could not otherwise be fed (SAA 12: 95). But whatever the circumstances of the gift, the donor could be sure that temple would feed and house the votives TT , as well as putting them to work for a higher good.
Content last modified: 18 Dec 2019.
Eleanor Robson
Eleanor Robson, 'Temple staff', Nimrud: Materialities of Assyrian Knowledge Production, The Nimrud Project at Oracc.org, 2019 [http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/nimrud/ancientkalhu/thepeople/templestaff/]